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 Post subject: Re: Re:
PostPosted: Thu Aug 05, 2010 10:37 am 
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Hopwin wrote:
Diamondeye wrote:
I haven't noticed that straight people have any such desire. I've noticed that it's most common among Fundamentalists and *cough* Blacks, Hispanics, and Catholics.

What do you think Prop 8 is?


What's that got to do with anything? Plenty of straight people opposed prop 8. No one opposes gay marriage simply because they themselves are straight, it comes from religious and cultural factors (and the cultural factors inevitably get portrayed as religious ones anyhow.)

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PostPosted: Thu Aug 05, 2010 10:39 am 
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Diamondeye wrote:
Hopwin wrote:
Diamondeye wrote:
I haven't noticed that straight people have any such desire. I've noticed that it's most common among Fundamentalists and *cough* Blacks, Hispanics, and Catholics.

What do you think Prop 8 is?


What's that got to do with anything? Plenty of straight people opposed prop 8. No one opposes gay marriage simply because they themselves are straight, it comes from religious and cultural factors (and the cultural factors inevitably get portrayed as religious ones anyhow.)

Do you think gay people introduced/supported this law? Is there such a thing as hetero-fundamentalist?

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PostPosted: Thu Aug 05, 2010 10:52 am 
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Hopwin wrote:
Do you think gay people introduced/supported this law? Is there such a thing as hetero-fundamentalist?


Obviously not, but I would not be surprised to learn that there are at least a few gays, and probably a fair number more of bisexuals that were in favor of it for various reasons.

What do you not get about the fact that being straight is not the reason people support prop 8?

All you're doing is making an excellent argument that gays really do not care about the legal or Constitutional ramifications of it, but only about what they want. The fact is that being gay makes you very likely to support it out of personal interest, but being straight has no effect in and of itself because your support or lack thereof will be based on factors other than your sexuality.

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PostPosted: Thu Aug 05, 2010 11:25 am 
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Diamondeye wrote:
What do you not get about the fact that being straight is not the reason people support prop 8?

All you're doing is making an excellent argument that gays really do not care about the legal or Constitutional ramifications of it, but only about what they want. The fact is that being gay makes you very likely to support it out of personal interest, but being straight has no effect in and of itself because your support or lack thereof will be based on factors other than your sexuality.

This argument is so on its head that I can only boggle. The law specifically singles out homosexuals but you think sexual preference has no bearing at all? 7 million random people (gays, heteros, blacks, whites, etc) in California just decided one day gay marriage = no is that argument that you are making?

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PostPosted: Thu Aug 05, 2010 11:27 am 
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Hopwin wrote:
Diamondeye wrote:
What do you not get about the fact that being straight is not the reason people support prop 8?

All you're doing is making an excellent argument that gays really do not care about the legal or Constitutional ramifications of it, but only about what they want. The fact is that being gay makes you very likely to support it out of personal interest, but being straight has no effect in and of itself because your support or lack thereof will be based on factors other than your sexuality.

This argument is so on its head that I can only boggle. The law specifically singles out homosexuals but you think sexual preference has no bearing at all? 7 million random people (gays, heteros, blacks, whites, etc) in California just decided one day gay marriage = no is that argument that you are making?


Wait, no. I thought homophobes were supposed to be secretly gay?


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PostPosted: Thu Aug 05, 2010 11:37 am 
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Monte wrote:
Pretty sure it won't be. Much like the Kagan, Sotomayor, and President Obama, I'm guessing your ideological blinders are getting in your way right now.
Ideological blinders? Since I'm pretty much the biggest proponent of equal access to the law on these forums, you might want to check yourself and your presuppositions on the matter. That said, the issue has been vacated twice before with regard to the State of Kansas (2005 and 2006). And Vaughn Walker's sexual orientation merely gives the supporters of Proposition 8 more ammunition on this one. You really need to check facts and read what is actually written before spouting your mouth off. I mean, seriously, my position on the matter hasn't changed in 10 **** years. The only ideological blinders on this forum belong to you. Because, obviously, thinking Vaughn Walker did more damage to the pro-same-sex marriage position than good must somehow mean I oppose it? Really? Stop smoking crack and posting.

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PostPosted: Thu Aug 05, 2010 11:43 am 
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Nitefox wrote:
Diamondeye wrote:
Or does fundamental really just mean "the rights I want people to have"?


DING DING DING! We have a winner!


This is true of any and ALL rights. Including those put down in the Constitution. They were the rights that the founders wanted people to have.


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PostPosted: Thu Aug 05, 2010 12:16 pm 
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Aizle wrote:
Nitefox wrote:
Diamondeye wrote:
Or does fundamental really just mean "the rights I want people to have"?


DING DING DING! We have a winner!


This is true of any and ALL rights. Including those put down in the Constitution. They were the rights that the founders wanted people to have.


What's that got to do with the subject I was addressing?

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PostPosted: Thu Aug 05, 2010 12:16 pm 
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Elmarnieh wrote:
The judge should have nullified the states involvement in marriage altogether.

That's certainly what I'd like to see.

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PostPosted: Thu Aug 05, 2010 12:25 pm 
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Hopwin wrote:
Diamondeye wrote:
What do you not get about the fact that being straight is not the reason people support prop 8?

All you're doing is making an excellent argument that gays really do not care about the legal or Constitutional ramifications of it, but only about what they want. The fact is that being gay makes you very likely to support it out of personal interest, but being straight has no effect in and of itself because your support or lack thereof will be based on factors other than your sexuality.

This argument is so on its head that I can only boggle. The law specifically singles out homosexuals but you think sexual preference has no bearing at all? 7 million random people (gays, heteros, blacks, whites, etc) in California just decided one day gay marriage = no is that argument that you are making?


I don't think the sexual preference of straight people is the reason they oppose gay marriage. There is no evidence to suggest that's the case. The fact that you're A) boggling at what Ive said, B) asking if I'm saying something that I'm clearly not and C) unable to grasp that it's religious and cultural factors that make people oppose gay marriage when they, themselves, are not gay, indicate that you're not even trying to understand the issue, but have simply siezed on this idea that if a gay judge might make a decision based on his own personal interest, a straight judge necessarily would as well, which is absurd.

Seriously, one of the best arguments in favor of allowing gay marriage is the simple fact that it doesn't affect anyone else but the people getting married. There's nothing about being straight that makes it affect you, so there's no reason straight judges would rule they other way because they're straight. If they ruled the other way because of personal reasons, it would be some other factor such as their religion or cultural values.

That isn't the case with a gay judge; they are affected by whether or not you can marry people of the same sex. That doesn't necessarily mean they can't ruel on the case, but it raises a reasont to give their decision scrutiny in an appeal.

Seriously. if you think it's a dilemma between "random people suddenly opposing gay marriage" and "straight people opposing it simply because they aren't gay themselves", you're so far off in la-la land that there's no point in even talking to you about it.

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PostPosted: Thu Aug 05, 2010 12:28 pm 
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Kaffis Mark V wrote:
Elmarnieh wrote:
The judge should have nullified the states involvement in marriage altogether.

That's certainly what I'd like to see.


There's no good reason for that. A legal standard of marriage is needed in order to protect property rights in divorces and probate, as well as other things like exceptions to hospital visiting hours, eligability for survivor benefits and who is next-of-kin for the military and other public agencies, and a number of other reasons. Private contracts are not sufficient for this purpose.

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PostPosted: Thu Aug 05, 2010 12:37 pm 
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You don't need marriages for that. Private contracts (or, if you prefer, publicly recognized statuses that don't discriminate against, say, polygamy and polyamory) can suffice for that purpose.

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Last edited by Kaffis Mark V on Thu Aug 05, 2010 12:41 pm, edited 1 time in total.

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PostPosted: Thu Aug 05, 2010 12:37 pm 
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Diamondeye wrote:
There's no good reason for that. A legal standard of marriage is needed in order to protect property rights in divorces and probate, as well as other things like exceptions to hospital visiting hours, eligability for survivor benefits and who is next-of-kin for the military and other public agencies, and a number of other reasons. Private contracts are not sufficient for this purpose.

However, what you describe is not necessary to the concept of marriage, which I believe is what they were trying to point out. Separate the concept of "marriage" and the religious connotations from the civil contracts.


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PostPosted: Thu Aug 05, 2010 12:46 pm 
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Diamondeye wrote:
I don't think the sexual preference of straight people is the reason they oppose gay marriage. There is no evidence to suggest that's the case. The fact that you're A) boggling at what Ive said, B) asking if I'm saying something that I'm clearly not and C) unable to grasp that it's religious and cultural factors that make people oppose gay marriage when they, themselves, are not gay, indicate that you're not even trying to understand the issue, but have simply siezed on this idea that if a gay judge might make a decision based on his own personal interest, a straight judge necessarily would as well, which is absurd.

Seriously, one of the best arguments in favor of allowing gay marriage is the simple fact that it doesn't affect anyone else but the people getting married. There's nothing about being straight that makes it affect you, so there's no reason straight judges would rule they other way because they're straight. If they ruled the other way because of personal reasons, it would be some other factor such as their religion or cultural values.

It isn't gay religious people or people who come from... I guess gay cultures based on your cultural values quip who are voting to restrict gay marriage. It is heterosexuals.

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That isn't the case with a gay judge; they are affected by whether or not you can marry people of the same sex. That doesn't necessarily mean they can't ruel on the case, but it raises a reasont to give their decision scrutiny in an appeal.

Really a gay judge can't rule impartially but a heterosexual judge can? Regardless any judge, heterosexual or homosexual, would be demonized by the party that lost the lawsuit and accused of bringing their personal prejudices/values into the argument. The only way to decisively decide the issue is through the Supreme Court of the State since it is a State Law regarding something not covered in the Constitution.

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Seriously. if you think it's a dilemma between "random people suddenly opposing gay marriage" and "straight people opposing it simply because they aren't gay themselves", you're so far off in la-la land that there's no point in even talking to you about it.

You are flat out insane if you are trying to say that this measure was not passed by heterosexuals.

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PostPosted: Thu Aug 05, 2010 1:27 pm 
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Aizle wrote:
Nitefox wrote:
Diamondeye wrote:
Or does fundamental really just mean "the rights I want people to have"?


DING DING DING! We have a winner!


This is true of any and ALL rights. Including those put down in the Constitution. They were the rights that the founders wanted people to have.


No, they were the rights they wanted to be protected from being attacked by the Government. Have you ever read any of the primary sources on the issue? If you had, and learned anything from reading them, you'd know that they debated about including rights such as free speech (for example) because of the exact reason you are using. Some (such as Wilson) didn't want to list it because it was so obvious that it was an inherent right, and if listed, it would only lead to infringement by the Government.

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PostPosted: Thu Aug 05, 2010 1:35 pm 
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You know, if people (not here) would simply read the damn ruling, they would understand that Judge Walker has already considered and refuted the arguments put forward by proponents of Proposition 8. Arguments made, such as "they already have the same rights," or "will of the people," or "redefining marriage" are addressed and refuted by Judge Walker within.

PURPORTED INTEREST #1: RESERVING MARRIAGE AS A UNION BETWEEN A MAN AND A WOMAN AND EXCLUDING ANY OTHER RELATIONSHIP
Spoiler:
Proponents first argue that Proposition 8 is rational because it preserves: (1) “the traditional institution of marriage as the union of a man and a woman”; (2) “the traditional social and legal purposes, functions, and structure of marriage”; and (3) “the traditional meaning of marriage as it has always been defined in the English language.” Doc #605 at 12-13. These interests relate to maintaining the definition of marriage as the union of a man and a woman for its own sake. Tradition alone, however, cannot form a rational basis for a law. Williams v Illinois, 399 US 235, 239 (1970). The “ancient lineage” of a classification does not make it rational. Heller, 509 US at 327. Rather, the state must have an interest apart from the fact of the tradition itself. The evidence shows that the tradition of restricting an individual’s choice of spouse based on gender does not rationally further a state interest despite its “ancient lineage.” Instead, the evidence shows that the tradition of gender restrictions arose when spouses were legally required to adhere to specific gender roles. See FF 26-27. California has eliminated all legally-mandated gender roles except the requirement that a marriage consist of one man and one woman. FF 32. Proposition 8 thus enshrines in the California Constitution a gender restriction that the evidence shows to be nothing more than an artifact of a foregone notion that men and women fulfill different roles in civic life.

The tradition of restricting marriage to opposite-sex couples does not further any state interest. Rather, the evidence shows that Proposition 8 harms the state’s interest in equality, because it mandates that men and women be treated differently based only on antiquated and discredited notions of gender. See FF 32, 57.

Proponents’ argument that tradition prefers opposite-sex couples to same-sex couples equates to the notion that opposite-sex relationships are simply better than same-sex relationships. Tradition alone cannot legitimate this purported interest. Plaintiffs presented evidence showing conclusively that the state has no interest in preferring opposite-sex couples to same-sex couples or in preferring heterosexuality to homosexuality. See FF 48-50. Moreover, the state cannot have an interest in disadvantaging an unpopular minority group simply because the group is unpopular. Moreno, 413 US at 534. The evidence shows that the state advances nothing when it adheres to the tradition of excluding same-sex couples from marriage. Proponents’ asserted state interests in tradition are nothing more than tautologies and do not amount to rational bases for Proposition 8.


PURPORTED INTEREST #2: PROCEEDING WITH CAUTION WHEN IMPLEMENTING SOCIAL CHANGES
Spoiler:
Proponents next argue that Proposition 8 is related to state interests in: (1) “[a]cting incrementally and with caution when considering a radical transformation to the fundamental nature of a bedrock social institution”; (2) “[d]ecreasing the probability of weakening the institution of marriage”; (3) “[d]ecreasing the probability of adverse consequences that could result from weakening the institution of marriage”; and (4) “[d]ecreasing the probability of the potential adverse consequences of same-sex marriage.” Doc #605 at 13-14. Plaintiffs presented evidence at trial sufficient to rebut any claim that marriage for same-sex couples amounts to a sweeping social change. See FF 55.

Instead, the evidence shows beyond debate that allowing same-sex couples to marry has at least a neutral, if not a positive, effect on the institution of marriage and that same-sex couples’ marriages would benefit the state. Id. Moreover, the evidence shows that the rights of those opposed to homosexuality or same-sex couples will remain unaffected if the state ceases to enforce Proposition 8. FF 55, 62. The contrary evidence proponents presented is not credible. Indeed, proponents presented no reliable evidence that allowing same-sex couples to marry will have any negative effects on society or on the institution of marriage. The process of allowing same-sex couples to marry is straightforward, and no evidence suggests that the state needs any significant lead time to integrate same-sex couples into marriage. See Background to Proposition 8 above. Consider, by contrast, Cooper v Aaron, 358 US 1, 7 (1958) (recognizing that a school district needed time to implement racial integration but nevertheless finding a delay unconstitutional because the school board’s plan did not provide for “the earliest practicable completion of desegregation”). The evidence shows that allowing same-sex couples to marry will be simple for California to implement because it has already done so; no change need be phased in. California need not restructure any institution to allow same-sex couples to marry. See FF 55.

Because the evidence shows same-sex marriage has and will have no adverse effects on society or the institution of marriage, California has no interest in waiting and no practical need to wait to grant marriage licenses to same-sex couples. Proposition 8 is thus not rationally related to proponents’ purported interests in proceeding with caution when implementing social change.


PURPORTED INTEREST #3: PROMOTING OPPOSITE-SEX PARENTING OVER SAME-SEX PARENTING

Spoiler:
Proponents’ largest group of purported state interests relates to opposite-sex parents. Proponents argue Proposition 8: (1) promotes stability and responsibility in naturally procreative relationships”; (2) promotes enduring and stable family structures for the responsible raising and care of children by their biological parents”; (3) increases “the probability that natural procreation will occur within stable, enduring, and supporting family structures”; (4) promotes “the natural and mutually beneficial bond between parents and their biological children”; (5) increases “the probability that each child will be raised by both of his or her biological parents”; (6) increases “the probability that each child will be raised by both a father and a mother”; and (7) increases “the probability that each child will have a legally recognized father and mother.” Doc #605 at 13-14.

The evidence supports two points which together show Proposition 8 does not advance any of the identified interests: (1) same-sex parents and opposite-sex parents are of equal quality, FF 69-73, and (2) Proposition 8 does not make it more likely that opposite-sex couples will marry and raise offspring biologically related to both parents, FF 43, 46, 51. The evidence does not support a finding that California has an interest in preferring opposite-sex parents over same-sex parents. Indeed, the evidence shows beyond any doubt that parents’ genders are irrelevant to children’s developmental outcomes. FF 70. Moreover, Proposition 8 has nothing to do with children, as Proposition 8 simply prevents same-sex couples from marrying. FF 57. Same-sex couples can have (or adopt) and raise children. When they do, they are treated identically to opposite-sex parents under California law. FF 49. Even if California had an interest in preferring opposite-sex parents to same-sex parents —— and the evidence plainly shows that California does not —— Proposition 8 is not rationally related to that interest, because Proposition 8 does not affect who can or should become a parent under California law. FF 49, 57.

To the extent California has an interest in encouraging sexual activity to occur within marriage (a debatable proposition in light of Lawrence, 539 US at 571) the evidence shows Proposition 8 to be detrimental to that interest. Because of Proposition 8, same-sex couples are not permitted to engage in sexual activity within marriage. FF 53. Domestic partnerships, in which sexual activity is apparently expected, are separate from marriage and thus codify California’s encouragement of non-marital sexual activity. Cal Fam code §§ 297-299.6. To the extent proponents seek to encourage a norm that sexual activity occur within marriage to ensure that reproduction occur within stable households, Proposition 8 discourages that norm because it requires some sexual activity and child-bearing and child-rearing to occur outside marriage.

Proponents argue Proposition 8 advances a state interest in encouraging the formation of stable households. Instead, the evidence shows that Proposition 8 undermines that state interest, because same-sex households have become less stable by the passage of Proposition 8. The inability to marry denies same-sex couples the benefits, including stability, attendant to marriage. FF 50.

Proponents failed to put forth any credible evidence that married opposite-sex households are made more stable through Proposition 8. FF 55. The only rational conclusion in light of the evidence is that Proposition 8 makes it less likely that California children will be raised in stable households. See FF 50, 56. None of the interests put forth by proponents relating to parents and children is advanced by Proposition 8; instead, the evidence shows Proposition 8 disadvantages families and their children.

PURPORTED INTEREST #4: PROTECTING THE FREEDOM OF THOSE WHO OPPOSE MARRIAGE FOR SAME-SEX COUPLES
Spoiler:
Proponents next argue that Proposition 8 protects the First Amendment freedom of those who disagree with allowing marriage for couples of the same sex. Proponents argue that Proposition 8: (1) preserves “the prerogative and responsibility of parents to provide for the ethical and moral development and education of their own children”; and (2) accommodates “the First Amendment rights of individuals and institutions that oppose same-sex marriage on religious or moral grounds.” Doc #605 at 14. These purported interests fail as a matter of law. Proposition 8 does not affect any First Amendment right or responsibility of parents to educate their children. See In re Marriage Cases, 183 P3d at 451-452. Californians are prevented from distinguishing between same-sex partners and opposite-sex spouses in public accommodations, as California antidiscrimination law requires identical treatment for same-sex unions and opposite- sex marriages. Koebke v Bernardo Heights Country Club, 115 P3d 1212, 1217-1218 (Cal 2005).

The evidence shows that Proposition 8 does nothing other than eliminate the right of same-sex couples to marry in California. See FF 57, 62. Proposition 8 is not rationally related to an interest in protecting the rights of those opposed to same-sex couples because, as a matter of law, Proposition 8 does not affect the rights of those opposed to homosexuality or to marriage for couples of the same sex. FF 62.

To the extent proponents argue that one of the rights of those morally opposed to same-sex unions is the right to prevent same-sex couples from marrying, as explained presently those individuals’ moral views are an insufficient basis upon which to enact a legislative classification.


PURPORTED INTEREST #5: TREATING SAME-SEX COUPLES DIFFERENTLY FROM OPPOSITE-SEX COUPLES
Spoiler:
Proponents argue that Proposition 8 advances a state interest in treating same-sex couples differently from opposite-sex couples by: (1) “[u]sing different names for different things”; (2)“[m]aintaining the flexibility to separately address the needs of different types of relationships”; (3) “[e]nsuring that California marriages are recognized in other jurisdictions”; and (4) “[c]onforming California’s definition of marriage to federal law.”
Doc #605 at 14.

Here, proponents assume a premise that the evidence thoroughly rebutted: rather than being different, same-sex and opposite-sex unions are, for all purposes relevant to California law, exactly the same. FF 47-50. The evidence shows conclusively that moral and religious views form the only basis for a belief that same-sex couples are different from opposite-sex couples. See FF 48, 76-80. The evidence fatally undermines any purported state interest in treating couples differently; thus, these interests do not provide a rational basis supporting Proposition 8.

In addition, proponents appear to claim that Proposition 8 advances a state interest in easing administrative burdens associated with issuing and recognizing marriage licenses. Under precedents such as Craig v Boren, “administrative ease and convenience” are not important government objectives. 429 US 190, 198 (1976). Even assuming the state were to have an interest in administrative convenience, Proposition 8 actually creates an administrative burden on California because California must maintain a parallel institution for same-sex couples to provide the equivalent rights and benefits afforded to married couples. See FF 53. Domestic partnerships create an institutional scheme that must be regulated separately from marriage. Compare Cal Fam Code §§ 297-299.6 with Cal Fam Code §§ 300-536. California may determine whether to retain domestic partnerships or eliminate them in the absence of Proposition 8; the court presumes, however, that as long as Proposition 8 is in effect, domestic partnerships and the accompanying administrative burden will remain. Proposition 8 thus hinders rather than advances administrative convenience.

PURPORTED INTEREST #6: THE CATCHALL INTEREST
Spoiler:
Finally, proponents assert that Proposition 8 advances “[a]ny other conceivable legitimate interests identified by the parties, amici, or the court at any stage of the proceedings.” Doc #605 at 15. But proponents, amici and the court, despite ample opportunity and a full trial, have failed to identify any rational basis Proposition 8 could conceivably advance. Proponents, represented by able and energetic counsel, developed a full trial record in support of Proposition 8. The resulting evidence shows that Proposition 8 simply conflicts with the guarantees of the Fourteenth Amendment.

Many of the purported interests identified by proponents are nothing more than a fear or unarticulated dislike of same-sex couples. Those interests that are legitimate are unrelated to the classification drawn by Proposition 8. The evidence shows that, by every available metric, opposite-sex couples are not better than their same-sex counterparts; instead, as partners, parents and citizens, opposite-sex couples and same-sex couples are equal. FF 47-50. Proposition 8 violates the Equal Protection Clause because it does not treat them equally.


...and finally, Judge Walker explains why "the will of the people" was "subverted"...

A PRIVATE MORAL VIEW THAT SAME-SEX COUPLES ARE INFERIOR TO OPPOSITE-SEX COUPLES IS NOT A PROPER BASIS FOR LEGISLATION
Spoiler:
In the absence of a rational basis, what remains of proponents’ case is an inference, amply supported by evidence in the record, that Proposition 8 was premised on the belief that same-sex couples simply are not as good as opposite-sex couples. FF 78-80. Whether that belief is based on moral disapproval of homosexuality, animus towards gays and lesbians or simply a belief that a relationship between a man and a woman is inherently better than a relationship between two men or two women, this belief is not a proper basis on which to legislate. See Romer, 517 US at 633; Moreno, 413 US at 534; Palmore v Sidoti, 466 US 429, 433 (1984) (“[T]he Constitution cannot control [private biases] but neither can it tolerate them.”).

The evidence shows that Proposition 8 was a hard-fought campaign and that the majority of California voters supported the initiative. See Background to Proposition 8 above, FF 17-18, 79-80. The arguments surrounding Proposition 8 raise a question similar to that addressed in Lawrence, when the Court asked whether a majority of citizens could use the power of the state to enforce “profound and deep convictions accepted as ethical and moral principles” through the criminal code. 539 US at 571. The question here is whether California voters can enforce those same principles through regulation of marriage licenses. They cannot. California’s obligation is to treat its citizens equally, not to “mandate [its] own moral code.” Id (citing Planned Parenthood of Southeastern Pa v Casey, 505 US 833, 850, (1992)). “[M]oral disapproval, without any other asserted state interest,” has never been a rational basis for legislation. Lawrence, 539 US at 582 (O'Connor, J, concurring). Tradition alone cannot support legislation. See Williams, 399 US at 239; Romer, 517 US at 635; Lawrence, 539 US at 579.

Proponents’ purported rationales are nothing more than post-hoc justifications. While the Equal Protection Clause does not prohibit post-hoc rationales, they must connect to the classification drawn. Here, the purported state interests fit so poorly with Proposition 8 that they are irrational, as explained above. What is left is evidence that Proposition 8 enacts a moral view that there is something “wrong” with same-sex couples. See FF 78-80.

The evidence at trial regarding the campaign to pass Proposition 8 uncloaks the most likely explanation for its passage: a desire to advance the belief that opposite-sex couples are morally superior to same-sex couples. FF 79-80. The campaign relied heavily on negative stereotypes about gays and lesbians and focused on protecting children from inchoate threats vaguely associated with gays and lesbians. FF 79-80; See PX0016 Video, Have You Thought About It? (video of a young girl asking whether the viewer has considered the consequences to her of Proposition 8 but not explaining what those consequences might be).

At trial, proponents’ counsel attempted through cross-examination to show that the campaign wanted to protect children from learning about same-sex marriage in school. See PX0390A Video, Ron Prentice Addressing Supporters of Proposition 8, Excerpt; Tr 132:25-133:3 (proponents’ counsel to Katami: “But the fact is that what the Yes on 8 campaign was pointing at, is that kids would be taught about same-sex relationships in first and second grade; isn’t that a fact, that that’s what they were referring to?”). The evidence shows, however, that Proposition 8 played on a fear that exposure to homosexuality would turn children into homosexuals and that parents should dread having children who are not heterosexual. FF 79; PX0099 Video, It’s Already Happened (mother’s expression of horror upon realizing her daughter now knows she can marry a princess).

The testimony of George Chauncey places the Protect Marriage campaign advertisements in historical context as echoing messages from previous campaigns to enact legal measures to disadvantage gays and lesbians. FF 74, 77-80. The Protect Marriage campaign advertisements ensured California voters had these previous fear-inducing messages in mind. FF 80. The evidence at trial shows those fears to be completely unfounded. FF 47-49, 68-73, 76-80.

Moral disapproval alone is an improper basis on which to deny rights to gay men and lesbians. The evidence shows conclusively that Proposition 8 enacts, without reason, a private moral view that same-sex couples are inferior to opposite-sex couples. FF 76, 79-80; Romer, 517 US at 634 (“[L]aws of the kind now before us raise the inevitable inference that the disadvantage imposed is born of animosity toward the class of persons affected.”). Because Proposition 8 disadvantages gays and lesbians without any rational justification, Proposition 8 violates the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment.


Consider the following advertisement (specifically referenced in the ruling above):



Many of the people who voted on Proposition 8 believed they were voting against their children receiving education about homosexual marriage in school, because it would... turn junior gay. Yeah. The measure was widely misunderstood by the very people tasked to vote on it. It serves as yet another fantastic reminder that direct democracy and its ills (ignorant voters, tyranny of the majority) is anathema to a free society in which all men are equal.


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PostPosted: Thu Aug 05, 2010 1:37 pm 
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Lenas wrote:
...direct democracy and its ills (ignorant voters, tyranny of the majority) is anathema to a free society in which all men are equal.


Preach it brotha!

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Wow, that ad had nothing to do with opposing gay marriage, it was about not teaching about gay marriage in school. Had a product company been that misleading they would have been guilty of false advertising.

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Welcome to California.


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Lenas wrote:
Many of the people who voted on Proposition 8 believed they were voting against their children receiving education about homosexual marriage in school, because it would... turn junior gay. Yeah. The measure was widely misunderstood by the very people tasked to vote on it. It serves as yet another fantastic reminder that direct democracy and its ills (ignorant voters, tyranny of the majority) is anathema to a free society in which all men are equal.


Wow my mouth is shut.

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Hopwin wrote:
It isn't gay religious people or people who come from... I guess gay cultures based on your cultural values quip who are voting to restrict gay marriage. It is heterosexuals.


Yes. Correlation =/= causality. What's so hard to understand about this basic logical principle? (Aside from the fact that there are almost certainly a few gays and a larger number of bisexuals that ARE voting that way. Mysterious how bisexuals never get mentioned...)

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Really a gay judge can't rule impartially but a heterosexual judge can?


That isn't what I said. Did you forget how to read or something? I said that a gay judge has a personal interest and that gives a reason for scrutiny on appeal.

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Regardless any judge, heterosexual or homosexual, would be demonized by the party that lost the lawsuit and accused of bringing their personal prejudices/values into the argument. The only way to decisively decide the issue is through the Supreme Court of the State since it is a State Law regarding something not covered in the Constitution.


Obviously. That does not have anything to do with what I'm saying.

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You are flat out insane if you are trying to say that this measure was not passed by heterosexuals.


I ahven't even tried to say that. Go back and read what I said again or shut the **** up. Since your normally ample comprehension has mystriously disappeared on this issue; I can only assume there's some personal beef that's making you unable to grasp what I'm saying - that heterosexuals do not oppose gay marriage because they are heterosexual. They do it for other reasons. I don't give a **** about your personal issues; I give a **** that you stop making this absurd claim.

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Kaffis Mark V wrote:
You don't need marriages for that. Private contracts (or, if you prefer, publicly recognized statuses that don't discriminate against, say, polygamy and polyamory) can suffice for that purpose.


No they can't. Polygamy is part of the reason. No person should be entitled to have more than one spouse recognized as next of kin or entitled to financial benefits.

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Diamondeye wrote:
Kaffis Mark V wrote:
You don't need marriages for that. Private contracts (or, if you prefer, publicly recognized statuses that don't discriminate against, say, polygamy and polyamory) can suffice for that purpose.


No they can't. Polygamy is part of the reason. No person should be entitled to have more than one spouse recognized as next of kin or entitled to financial benefits.

Why not?

Or, more specifically, break it down by "marital right" (I stick that in quotes because I don't think all of the things commonly referred as such are rights, and none of them need to be associated exclusively with marriage).

Why not have more than one person recognized as next of kin? If somebody who practices polygamy, for instance, as part of their religion dies without a will, currently some of his or her spouses get screwed by the state's allocation of his estate, because the state refuses to recognize his freedom-of-religion-protected situation.

Why not have more than one person entitled to financial benefits? In fact, let's take that further -- defend the reason to HAVE financial benefits, and then we can get down to the nuts and bolts and determine whether it's actually appropriate to limit each of those financial benefits to one or more people on their own merits.

How about divorce case standards? Currently, our legal endorsement of marriage as a blended religious and social construct condemns infidelity and punishes it in marriage proceedings. However, there are polyamorous people out there who have "open marriages" (I don't claim to understand them, but they say they're fine with that). However, to my understanding, if an open marriage goes south, the "infidelity" (in the laws eyes) can be used as a tool in the divorce proceedings, even though it has no validity in the relationship, simply because our law recognizes a religiously based construct of marriage, that indicates that infidelity is a sin, and thus should not be endorsed by the law.

These are just a few of the situations that could be rectified by putting an end to recognizing marriage, legally, and instead constructing more sensible and broadly applicable purely *social* constructs instead.

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PostPosted: Fri Aug 06, 2010 8:51 am 
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Kaffis Mark V wrote:
Diamondeye wrote:
Kaffis Mark V wrote:
You don't need marriages for that. Private contracts (or, if you prefer, publicly recognized statuses that don't discriminate against, say, polygamy and polyamory) can suffice for that purpose.


No they can't. Polygamy is part of the reason. No person should be entitled to have more than one spouse recognized as next of kin or entitled to financial benefits.

Why not?

Or, more specifically, break it down by "marital right" (I stick that in quotes because I don't think all of the things commonly referred as such are rights, and none of them need to be associated exclusively with marriage).

Why not have more than one person recognized as next of kin? If somebody who practices polygamy, for instance, as part of their religion dies without a will, currently some of his or her spouses get screwed by the state's allocation of his estate, because the state refuses to recognize his freedom-of-religion-protected situation.


I don't see that freedom of religion does protect polygamy. Freedom of religion does not protect all sorts of behaviors that are harmful, and polygamy is harmful if you have more than one legal spouse because it ends up costing the taxpayr more to probate such a mess, if nothing else. Depending on the individual situation in question, there's potential for far more. How about Social Security? Retirement checks? Do they get chopped up amongst the wives or do they go to the wives as a group as a whole check? Are the wives even married to each other, or are they each individually married to one guy? All this does is create a big mess we have to spend money to sort out.

Moreover, it would create a huge mess with things like someone being on life support; which wife gets to make the call to shut the machine off? What if they disagree with each other?

I don't have any problem with people getting married multiple times within their religion, and they do, in fact, do that. That's what their freedom of religion entitles them to do. That doesn't mean we need to get government out of religion, or have a legal definition of marrige in order to make it more convenient for them to practice their religion.

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Why not have more than one person entitled to financial benefits? In fact, let's take that further -- defend the reason to HAVE financial benefits, and then we can get down to the nuts and bolts and determine whether it's actually appropriate to limit each of those financial benefits to one or more people on their own merits.


I don't need to define a reason for financial benefits any more than I need to define a reason for any other form of job compensation. It's a form of pay. What we don't need is people ripping off buisnesses, the government, and the taxpayer by piling more wives on.

If you think we just shouldn't pay people with various benefits other than actual salary, fine, but that's a separate issue.

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How about divorce case standards? Currently, our legal endorsement of marriage as a blended religious and social construct condemns infidelity and punishes it in marriage proceedings. However, there are polyamorous people out there who have "open marriages" (I don't claim to understand them, but they say they're fine with that). However, to my understanding, if an open marriage goes south, the "infidelity" (in the laws eyes) can be used as a tool in the divorce proceedings, even though it has no validity in the relationship, simply because our law recognizes a religiously based construct of marriage, that indicates that infidelity is a sin, and thus should not be endorsed by the law.


To my understanding, some states now no longer recognize adultery as grounds for precisely that reason, so I'd say that's well on the way to being remedied. In any case, it really doesn't matter what the reason behind divorce laws are any more than it matters what the reasoning behind any other law is. Divorce recognized infidelity as a problem because 1) for the vast majority of the population, multiple sex partners while married is not just not acceptable, but a source of major emotional harm 2) it greatly affects any children involved and c) it calls into question responsibility for parantege of the children; is it the mother's husband, or her lover? Or, if it's a cheating husband, is his mistress's child his or someone else she was dalying with?

Part of the problem here is the fact that the law lets a woman simply declare the parantege of her child, and gives the man only a limited time to respond whether he's notified or not, but that's a separate issue.

Besides, we already have tools like prenuptual agreements that can protect you if you want to be polyamorous.

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These are just a few of the situations that could be rectified by putting an end to recognizing marriage, legally, and instead constructing more sensible and broadly applicable purely *social* constructs instead.


I see nothing sensible about them, and as they are, they are purely social. The fact is that our society has a strong religious history, and that may affect our laws. However, these laws are also similar to those in many other parts of the world with different religious histories, and in any case, there's nothing wrong with a law having a religious background as long as the effect is not religious. We've been over this before in regard to other things like Blue Laws. The courts have already ruled that such laws are constitutional regardless of their impetus; it's their effect that matters. Do they promote a legitimate state interest? In the case of blue laws, I wwould argue they're stupid, but that's not the same thing as unconstitutional.
"
What we really need to do is stop thinking we can solve problems by "getting the government out of it", and in this case, you couldn't anyhow. The courts would end up defining it all over again trying to enforce private contracts, and that definition would be based largely on precedent.

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PostPosted: Fri Aug 06, 2010 9:11 am 
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Khross wrote:
Ideological blinders?


Yes, ideological blinders.

President Obama was never going to win the primary. There was sure to be a floor revolution, because Hillary Clinton was the anointed one. Sotomayor was never going to be confirmed for the USSC, and neither was Elena Kagan. In your mind, neither of them were qualified, despite both of them having excellent legal resumes. You stomped your foot and swore up and down that all of these people couldn't possibly get the jobs they were up for, regardless of all facts to the contrary. When it comes to successful, intelligent and capable minds on the left, you simply cannot accept them. Especially when they are poised to be successful, and possibly even transformative.

You have an unreasoning hatred for President Obama, and I am pretty sure that hatred extends to anyone he might appoint to a high position. It has driven you to accept several wild and crazed conspiracy theories about the man. It's a lot like Clinton. You still think Vince Foster was offed by the Clintons, or at least you have your suspicions, despite the fact that no evidence supports the theory. Time after time, you have embraced the worst and most outlandish positions on these people, and I've long since come to the conclusion that you simply have blinders on. It's ok, you're a human being. Sometimes, it's difficult for me to admit when a politician on the right has something good to say or offer.

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