RangerDave wrote:
Depends what your goal is. If your goal is a utopian world in which everyone forsakes nuclear weapons forever, then sure, pushing for limits, disarmament, non-proliferation, etc. will never succeed, but then again, neither will anything else, because utopia is impossible.
It doesn't, but that does not stop alarmingly large numbers of people - you can identify them because among them are the sort of people that have time to wave signs in the streets, but can't be assed to ever do anything to propose realistic solutions - from demanding precisely that. Or, more frequently, a watered-down version of Utopia where everyone still has some minimal military capability but no one really uses it and everything gets talked out - which appears reasonable compared to the actual idea of utopia but only because the full-on version is so patently absurd. In reality the value of simply being intractable goes up as your opponent's capabilities drop, and when everyone has only spoons, it behooves you a lot to keep a Bowie knife hidden inside your coat.
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However, if you have a more modest and realistic goal - say, to use disarmament as a tool to ratchet down tensions and reduce potential friction points between the great powers and to use a combination of non-proliferation norms and diplomatic/economic carrots and sticks to discourage secondary powers from pursuing their own nuclear programs - then I would say we actually have a pretty successful track record over the last 30 or 40 years.
I'd say recent events indicate that the lesser frictions since 1991 or so have been a vacation from those tensions, and they certainly cannot be traced to disarmament. As I originally pointed out, we have not produced a new nuclear system in 20 years + - but the Russians have been developing new ICBMs, new SLBMs, new SSBNs, continuing to produce new bombers, and retain such things as tactical nuclear weapons aboard naval vessels; I believe I posted something on that a few years back. I also relatively recently posted a discussion of how they see the INF treaty as not really in their interests.
Tensions tend to ebb and flow, but they really have only been reduced over the last 30-40 years if we use numbers of nuclear weapons and states having them as the measure, and that becomes a circular argument. Tensions are lower because there are fewer nukes, and fewer nukes in turn mean lower tensions. Furthermore, I don't know that it's so much a matter of us succeeding in nonproliferation as a lot of countries simply deciding it's not worth the effort and a few exceptions pretty much giving everyone else the finger.
Major limitations on naval construction similarly failed to reduce tensions, and like now Europe just got a 20-year break after WWI. Russia, having recovered from the "defeat" of the Cold War (and ironically replaced an authoritarian central government with a questionable democracy, just like Germany) is re-arming, and starting to nibble at the territory of its neighbors. Its far less spectacular since Russia's "loss" of the war was far less severe than the defeat of the German Empire and because Putin is a vastly more calculating and practical man with different internal motivations than Hitler, but the parallels are strong in nature if not in degree.
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On the other hand, we also can't exercise deterrence if those we are trying to deter think we're likely to employ such weapons in anything other than the absolute worst case scenario. In short, maximum deterrence requires a delicate balance where our enemies know we won't use our WMDs unless they use theirs first or they're otherwise about to overrun us or our core allies in a conventional attack.
The problem with this argument is A) it works both ways; we can't deter them unless we know the same thing about them and B) it isn't backed up by the historical record. Both sides continually overestimated the willingness of the other to attack during the Cold War. Russian bellicose rhetoric convinced us they would happily overrun Europe and vaporize North America to make it happen and so we came up with readiness procedures that meant we would always have something ready to retaliate, which in turn only convinced the Russians of
our willingness to attack. This didn't just happen because of some vicious cycle either; after the experience of WWII, Russian leaders from that era (which was basically all of them prior to Gorbachev) tended to see confrontations as another Great Patriotic War. The possibility of a nuclear attack was like another Barbarossa to them, and if it happened they aimed to win just as they had before.
In 1983 during Able Archer, the Russians were convinced that the entire exercise was a cover for an imminent attack and readied themselves to retaliate, seeing the whole thing as a repeat of 1941 - yet they didn't strike
first.
In other words, there's very little evidence that we can't exercise deterrence if our enemies think we might use our weapons first. They've thought that for large periods of time where deterrence did work. Moreover, we thought it about them during the same period of time. As to the conventional attack, one of the things that nuclear deterrence did was exercise conventional deterrence as well. If a conventional conflict started and one side felt it was losing too badly, it would escalate to nuclear weapons. This gave both sides a strong incentive not to get into a full-scale conventional conflict either because the ultimate nuclear conflict was a near-certain outcome and even if you thought you could win, it wasn't worth it. We haven't seen any more WWIIs because such a conflict would rapidly escalate into a nuclear exchange that would destroy the means to sustain the conflict in the first place- but once you get down to a certain level, gaining an advantage by striking first and reducing the capacity for retaliation to a low enough level where the retaliation you'd suffer is merely "very bad" and suddenly the incentive to avoid major conventional wars drops a great deal.