Rynar wrote:
Bare assertion fallacy. The Constitution disagrees with you:
Article One, Section 9, clause 2 wrote:
The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it.
Secession is not rebellion, and the northern states were never invaded, nor were the southern states aggressors. The public safety was certainly never threatened in either case. Regardless, Article One explicitly deals with the
legislative branch, not the executive branch as you would apparently like to pretend.
You are wrong.
Nope, you're wrong. Secession is rebellion. Your assertion that it is not flies in the face of how the Constitution was, in fact, interpreted in the precedent we are discussing right now. It also demonstrates your utter ignorance of events at the time that you ignore that Lee did, in fact, invade the North, and whiel you will no doubt argue that he did it in response tot he actions of the North, the Constitution make no distinction based ont he reason we get invaded.
Diamondeye wrote:
Rynar wrote:
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declared martial law in the north, censored all telegraph communication in the north,
Perfectly legitimate wartime actions
Bare assertion fallacy. Perhaps in
your mind they are, and in
your preferred method of government, but we are not discussing you. We are discussing what defines a dictator, and the United States Constitution in the year 1861. There is no constitutional provision for a declaration of martial law, nor one for restricting free speech. There is a reason no president prior to Lincoln saw "special war powers" in the document. They didn't exist, and certainly didn't exist to the extend that the president himself could declare war on his own whims, and then utilize these powers. You will note that the south was invaded without consent of congress, and that only the congress, not the president, has the authority to declare war.
There does not need to be a Constitutional provision for either martial law or restriction of free speech
during open combat on American soil. Those powers are inherent in the definition of treason as a crime unde the Constitution.
Moreover, the power to declare war essentially does nothing. The Constitution does not in any way limit the power of the Commander in Chief based on whether or not a war is declared. In any case, no declaration of war was necessary because this was a rebellion within the United States, not a war with a foriegn power. Not only that, but invasion is a strategic and operational matter, and to a limited degree a tactical one. Congress does not determine strategy, operations, or tactics; those are determined by the Commander in Chief and his subordinate officers.
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You are wrong.
No, once again you try to cover up your own bare assertion fallacy (which is what your entire argument is) by claiming I'm making one, and then insisting on being granted all kinds of assumptions in order to even discuss anything. You're not going to get that, nor is saying "you are wrong" going to disguise that tacic for you.
Rynar wrote:
The Real Lincoln, by Thomas DiLorenzo, pp. 138, 143-144.
Google BooksSince I've never seen that anywhere else, and I'm not about to go buy some book for purposes of this debate you're going to need to come up with something better.
Rynar wrote:
I'll concede that this was a questionable (at best) action by Lincoln.
Rynar wrote:
Again, we aren’t talking about what you think would be nice, we are talking about the American Constitution. And again it disagrees with you.:
Article IV, Section 3, Clause 1 wrote:
New States may be admitted by the Congress into this Union; but no new States shall be formed or erected within the Jurisdiction of any other State; nor any State be formed by the Junction of two or more States, or parts of States, without the Consent of the Legislatures of the States concerned as well as of the Congress.
The Federal Government is explicitly denied the authority to do exactly as Lincoln did. This doesn’t even consider the fact that the crux of your argument clings precariously to the idea that there is, and never was, the right to secession. You can’t possibly resting another portion of your argument that the right to secession did, in fact, exist.
Again, you are wrong.
Again, you try to make it look like you're right by saying "you're wrong!" and trying to sound all profound. We are talking about the Constitution - what it actually says, not what you're pretending it says.
If we go with YOUR argument that the South has legally seceded, then Virginia was no longer a State. Therefore, West Virginia deciding to split off from this now-independant country and form a new territory requesting admission as a State is not "forming a State from a part of another" because Virginia is no longer a State.
On the other hand, MY argument is that once the southern states had atempted secesion, they returned to the status of U.S. territory by virtue of their illegal renunciation of statehood. Therefore, no longer being a state, forming West Virginia from that territory was no different than any other territory.
Of course, since you're apparently either A) not bothering to understand my argument or B) intentionally distorting it I fulyl expect you'll simply ignore this.
Not only that, but West Virginia was not admitted by Lincoln exclusively. He only signed the bill after Congress had already voted that way, so regardless any use of this issue to ascribe "dictatorial" powers to Lincoln is absurd.
Rynar wrote:
shut down hundreds of northern newspapers, occupied the state of Maryland,
To the first: Your personal opinions of legitimate wartime actions notwithstanding, as we are not government by military junta, the Constitution does not provide for the shutting down of newspapers for publishing disagreement with the Federal Government. Nor had any law, Constitutional or otherwise, existed at the time of Lincoln’s presidency affording the office of president that power since the Sedition Act expired in 1801. Conversely, and again, the Constitution expressly forbids the action taken by Lincoln.
The crime of treason necessarily gives the power to restrict information flow that would aid and abet the enemy. Or are you arguing that the government has no power to deal with treason? I have no idea what "military juntas" have to do with anything other than being an excuse for you to slip in more inapplicable terms for their predjudicial connotations.
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To the second: Coupled with the disbanding the Legislature of the State of Maryland, by arresting all Democratic (read opposition) representation in that body (bold lettering mine):
As in Delaware, numerous planters in Maryland had freed their slaves in the twenty years after the Revolutionary War. By 1860 Maryland's free black population comprised 49.1% of the total of African Americans in the state.[44] This contributed to the state's remaining loyal to the Union during the American Civil War. In addition, Governor Thomas Holliday Hicks temporarily suspended the state legislature, and President Abraham Lincoln had many of its fire eaters arrested prior to its reconvening. Many historians contend that there would never have been sufficient votes for secession.
Of the 115,000 men who joined the militaries during the Civil War, 85,000, or 77%, joined the Union army, while the remainder joined the Confederate Army. To help ensure Maryland's inclusion in the Union, President Lincoln suspended several civil liberties, including the writ of habeas corpus, an act deemed illegal by Maryland native Chief Justice Roger Taney. Lincoln ordered U.S. troops to place artillery on Federal Hill to threaten the city of Baltimore, and helped ensure the election of a new pro-union governor and legislature. Lincoln went so far as to jail certain pro-South members of the state legislature at Fort McHenry, including the Mayor of Baltimore, George William Brown. The grandson of Francis Scott Key was included in those jailed.
You seem to ignore the fact that your own article points out that the State's governnor took the disbanding action, not Lincoln.
Of course, going on to the parts that you did manage to read accurately, I've pointed out that the existance of the crime of treason grants considerable power during active combat on American soil, unless you are prepared to argue that the portion defining treason is somehow of magically lesser importance than the rest of the Constitution.
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…occupying the state in and of itself becomes an act of war. It is certainly not provided for in the Constitution for the federal government to overturn state governments, or to militarize one. In addition the fact that there is no provision for this in the Constitution is further evidence of the fact that the Founders did not wish to restrict the right of secession held by the states. The mande no provisions for the amount of violence the federal government was allowed to use because the federal government have the authority to compell them otherwise.
Occupying a state is not an "act of war" at all; it falls under the requirement the Constitution places on the government to defend states, and under the provision of power to suppress rebellion.
Furthermore, there is no right of secession that the Founders wished to protect or they would have provided one explicitly, nor does it matter what they wished since they failed to do so. You are imagining a historical scenario that never existed to invent support for your absurd ideas. You ignore the fact that the Founders greatly feared a splintering of the States because they would be liable to piecemeal defeat and conquest.
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Diamondeye wrote:
Rynar wrote:
issued an arrest warrant for the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, confiscated private fiearms
source
The above mentioned Justice Taney was one of Lincoln’s most vocal critics. He opined in
Ex parte Merryman, while sitting in United States Circuit Court, against Lincoln’s suspension of habeas corpus. This led up to Lincoln’s
issuing of an arrest warrant for the Chief Justice.
From your own article on the Chief Justice:
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Relying upon an 1880s manuscript from Lincoln's close friend Ward Hill Lamon, some scholars have contended that Lincoln authorized, then quickly aborted, an arrest warrant against Taney in retaliation for the Merryman ruling. The manuscript and evidence are a relatively new discovery in the historical literature, and the story's authenticity is hotly contested and controversial.
So we'll be tossing this one out as historically unsubstantiated at this time, and even if the evidence were firmer, Lincoln apparently thought better of this action almost immediately. Of course, we can't include such trivial details if it would weaken our ideological conviction about dictators now can we?
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The confiscation of private firearms was a consequence of the
The Confiscation Act of 1861, under which law any confederate property could be siezed.
The law was intended to apply more to non-human property, and as such required the Passage of the Second Confiscation Act in 1865 to finally settle the slavery side of the issue.
Power to suppress rebellion, and if you want to argue that the South was another country, then the Second Ammendment does not apply.
Diamondeye wrote:
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Perfectly within the perview of the President’s role as Commander in Chief.
Again, the Constitution disagrees with you. The power to invade is an extension of the power to declare war. The power to declare war is not vested in the executive branch, which is what would have had to be required American law in 1861 for your argument to hold any water. Instead, after dealing with a petulant war-making tyrant while shedding our chains to England, the founders saw fit to afford that power to the legislature as a check and balance against exactly what you wrongheadedly claim to be an explicit power of the executive.
Artice 1, Section 8, Enumerated Powers wrote:
To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make rules concerning captures on land and water;
You are wrong.
Except that they did no such thing. It doesn't matter what their opinion of Geroge III was, nor their ideas about what they thought. The power to declare war is not a limit on the Executive. It says nowhere that the Executive must have a declaration of war in hand to exercise any power as Commander in Chief. Any assertion to the contrary is inventing extra-constitutional restrictions on the executive.
There is no "power to invade"; invasion is a military strategy and tactic. It does not require a power of its own any more than there needs to be a specific power to conduct a hasty defense.
Diamondeye wrote:
This is one of the worst arguments I’ve ever read. You are arguing against the existence of an idea, and the word that describes that idea, when both the term and the idea it represents clearly exist. The etymology of the term predates the term “welfare state”,
which it was coined to contrast during the World War II. You are attempting to Orwelliate the idea out of existence simply because you do not like what the idea does to your own tenuous logic and positions.
Ahh, yes, I'm attempting to "Orwelliate" out of existance a nebulous term with no clear definition other than contrasting in some unspecified way with another term. I notice you cite no article, Wiki or otherwise for "warfare state" because there isn't one, and we still don't know what it means, aside from "Rynar likes the way it sounds".
As for what it "does to my arguments", that would be absolutely nothing, since the applicability of it is what you're trying and failing to prove. What you really mean is that you think merely mentioning it in conjunction with my position makes some point, because clearly, the nebulous connotations of it apply to the U.S.! Why would we need definitions or reason or any attempt at proof! After all, it's self evidently true to anyone with the "correct" ideology, isn't it?